DC Edit | Telangana Cabinet Rejig May Set Congress’ 2029 Roadmap

The Cabinet expansion and party organisational reshuffle undertaken by the Indian National Congress in Telangana mark not just a political adjustment but a calculated move with wider implications for the party nationally. At the core of this political recalibration is the theme of social justice, which the party has often used as rhetoric rather than in tangible deliverables. In Telangana, however, the Congress appears to be experimenting with a model that could become the blueprint for its pan-India electoral strategy in the run-up to the 2029 general elections.

The selection of ministers — one from the Backward Classes (BC), and two from the Scheduled Castes (SC) community — in the expanded Cabinet, and the appointment of a legislator from the Scheduled Tribes (ST) as deputy speaker of the Assembly reflects a deliberate attempt to balance caste equations. The party followed a similar format for the appointment of vice-presidents and general secretaries. Of the 27 vice-presidents, eight are from the BC community, five from SC, two from ST, and three minorities, making up a combined 67 per cent of all appointments — signalling the party’s promise to increase the Supreme Court-fixed cap on reservations.

The two developments show that chief minister A. Revanth Reddy — backed by the Congress central leadership — has made a conscious effort to ensure that the state's power structure reflects the social composition of the electorate. This approach has strong echoes of the social engineering model perfected by regional parties in several states.

Apart from prioritising underrepresented groups and younger leaders in both government and party, the Congress is trying to rebuild a loyal voter base in a state where it was almost written off just a year ago.

By conducting a caste census and immediately following it up with a law increasing reservation for BC, as well as completing the sub-categorising of SC groups, the Congress has demonstrated its seriousness about social justice through higher levels of affirmative action. This strategy forced Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government to announce the nationwide caste census, and showcased Telangana as a political laboratory for the Congress.

Though strategy is plausible, its implementation requires more than mere symbolism. The distribution of benefits — be it in education, employment, welfare distribution, or land rights — must transparently reach people. If the people from marginalised communities do not perceive any improvement in their lives, the appointment of leaders from those sections will not benefit the party in either creating a loyal support base or transforming itself into a formidable force in the state.

The biggest drawback of the Congress is internal factionalism, which has historically crippled the party and scuttled its prospects when it faces a strong rival. The Congress portrays the internal dissent as a mark of internal democracy. However, it must remain conscious of the fact that the nature of elections has changed in India and unless a party works as one unit, it cannot fight highly centralised parties like the BJP or regional parties.

The social justice plank gives an agenda and ideological heft to the Congress, which for long remained a default ruling party in the country and benefited immensely from the “There Is No Alternative” (TINA) factor. Now that the BJP has got itself entrenched in the country’s power structure, the Congress needs to reinvent itself to remain relevant in politics, and Telangana shows how India’s Grand Old Party wants to repurpose itself.