The “historic” peace accord between the largest Naga outfit NSCN-IM and the Narendra Modi government on August 3 was the culmination of at least three months of hectic behind the scenes activities which began with its general secretary Th. Muivah telling the prime minister’s envoy for the Naga talks, R.N. Ravi, that the time had come to go beyond the existing ceasefire agreement which was on since 1997, according to sources who will have to go unnamed. News of the Centre’s willingness to indulge Muivah did not remain hidden from its rival faction, the NSCN(K), run by S.S. Khaplang, who became unhappy with being side-lined. The outfit abrogated its ceasefire pact with the Indian government on March 27 this year, ten days after letters of invitation had been sent to their Indian leadership to sign the extension of the ceasefire agreement.
Mr Khaplang then expelled the Indian representatives who attended the meeting of the Cease-Fire Supervisory Board on March 26. Little more than a month later, on June 4, the NSCN-K led an attack on an Army convoy in Chandel in Manipur — the biggest attack on the Indian Army in recent times, in which 18 soldiers were killed. This, and the retaliatory raid into Myanmar that followed, ended prospects of talks with Mr Khaplang. It also cleared the way for a deal with the NSCN(IM).
However, the accord has been greeted with political recriminations between the Congress and BJP. Although the breakthrough does not involve redrawing of state borders, the Congress — which is in government in Arunachal, Manipur and Assam — has cried foul saying its three CMs were not consulted and the deal is an insult to the “federal structure of the country”.
The fast-track developments over the last three months were caused by the ill-health of NSCN(IM) chairman Isak Chishi Swu, 85. Had the framework agreement not been signed now, a new chairman in place of Isak Swu would have to be elected by NSCN-IM, which would have led to further delay in the 17-year-old talks.
Parleys were limited to R.N. Ravi, NSA Ajit Doval, home minister Rajnath Singh and Narendra Modi.
“It will take 4-5 months to work out the minute details of the pact,” an official said. For now, the pact is open to discussions over devolution of more powers to Nagaland legislature under article 371 A which is already in force. The Centre is also willing to consider autonomous Hill councils to help Nagas achieve cultural integration and have more say in how they are governed. Nagaland already enjoys wide federal powers reinforced by the special dispensation it enjoys under Article 371A. “These can be further be strengthened by transferring certain heads from the concurrent list to the Nagland state list. It will be discussed,” an official said.
Former home secretary GK Pillai said the ball had been set rolling in 2011 when 95 per cent of the agreement had been clinched. The broad contours of a peace deal had been agreed upon, he said, leaving aside a few issues with state governments which were still pending to be resolved, like their demand for autonomy for Naga hill areas and the demand for the Sixth Schedule.
Sources privy to the developments in 2011 said the Nagas had signed a ‘statement of intent’ that year accepting the primacy of the Indian Constitution. By then, the Naga outfit had more or less realised the futility of their demand for large chunks of territories of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. Security officials also point towards a public speech made by Muivah in Dimapur the same year where he virtually conceded that Nagalim is not what they are aiming for now.
