Divided Land: ‘Modi-fication of law will sap farm livelihoods’

Land acquisition has been a bone of contention between owners of small and marginal tracts of land on the one hand and national and international monopolies on the other. For the former, land is the main source of their existence whereas for the latter, it helps in maximization of profits.

During the neo-liberal dispensation land has been transformed from an object where capital can be applied to reap profit to a form of capital itself. For this reason, for over two decades, neo-liberal forces have been clamouring for a second series of land reforms where instead of it being distributed to landless tillers permission is sought for the rich to monopolize land. Certain state governments have even tried to bring in legislation for the purpose.

With the connivance of state and Central governments, the exploiters have got hold of vast tracts of land at throwaway prices. Pushed to the wall, small farmers resorted to widespread struggles. The spread of this rebellion and the pressure from international and national capital compelled the UPA government to bring in a legislation on land acquisition. This was referred to the Standing Committee on Rural Development, which suggested major changes. On the floor of the Parliament, Left parties and even BJP (which was in the opposition then) forced the UPA government to incorporate further amendments.

One major amendment was that when a vast area is acquired for a government project, the consent of 70 per cent of land owners has to be obtained, and for a private project, consent of 80 per cent is needed. New clauses were inserted to make compensation farmer-friendly. Specific stipulations regarding rehabilitation and resettlement were also made more favourable.

Naturally this was not to the liking of the capitalists who wanted to amass big tracts of land at throwaway prices. When Mr Narendra Modi became Prime Minister with the support of corporate houses, one of their first demands was to amend the land acquisition Act in their favour. This was done under the plea of attracting more investment! This is the background of the amendment brought through the ordinance route, bypassing Parliament.

In the Bill introduced in Lok Sabha in February 2015, 10 amendments were suggested to the 2013 Act. The aim of most of the amendments is to exempt various private companies from restrictions on land transactions. Replacing the words “private company” with “private entity”, excluding “private hospitals, private educational institutions” from section 2, in sub section (1), exempting all projects for defence or defence production, rural infrastructure including electrification, affordable housing and housing for poor people, industrial corridor, infrastructural projects under public-private partnership, giving more time and exemption when there are cases pending in court about land acquisition, all these were done to delight the corporate.

It was noticed that if provisions in the amendments suggested by the Modi government are implemented in the case of Mumbai-New Delhi national highway, 17.5 per cent of total agricultural land in India will be converted into non-agricultural land. The proposal here is to acquire 1 km width of land on both sides along the entire highway. Compare this with the law in the UK where no agriculture land can be converted for any other purpose. This underlines the great danger posed to agriculture by the ‘Modi’fication of the Act. Not only farmers and peasants owning the land but also millions of agriculture workers engaged in these lands will be deprived of their thrown out of the livelihood.

Realisation of this grave situation made farmers/peasants organisations all over the country to engage in relentless struggles. This includes even various Sangh Parivar organisations. It was in this background that Modi government was forced to accept some amendments.

But the major issues such as consent from higher percentage of farmers required for land acquisition and better compensation remain unresolved. This shows the anti-farmer and pro-rich face of the Modi government. Most of the political parties at National and State levels and various agricultural organisations have come out against the bill and ordinance. The suicide of Gajendra, a poor peasant from Rajastan, at Delhi before the eyes of the police of Modi government and the cabinet of AAP government has brought out the life and death nature of this problem. We hope that the Central government will change its insensitive and inhuman approach and honour the genuine demand of hapless farmers of India.

The approach of the Narendra Modi government is not only pro-rich and anti-farmer, it’s anti-environment too. This is evident from the fact that various departments of the Central government are trying to push through the Aranmula airport project, knowing fully well that its implementation will result in the violation of a clutch of Central and state laws protecting water, watershed, paddy fields and the environment.

Environmentalists, cultural icons, local residents and political parties of all hues, including the state unit of the BJP, are demanding that the project be scrapped, but the Modi government is in no mood to heed. This shows, when it comes to advancing the cause of capital, and of the rich, this government will show little concern for the environment. The new Bill will do away with whatever little obstacles in its way, and will lead to massive degradation of the environment. This is unacceptable, and has to be stopped.

(The author is a member of the CPM politburo)