When “the little man”, as fondly named by Ernest Bevin, or, “a modest man who has much to be modest about,” as derisively described by Winston Churchill, was travelling by the London Underground, a fellow passenger asked him whether people tell him that he was the spitting image of Clement Attlee. The reply was, “Frequently”.
That laconic response was typical of Clement Richard Attlee (1883-1967), former Labour Prime Minister of England 1945-51, who succeeded Churchill. The contrast between them was stark: Churchill voluble and volatile, Attlee shy and uncommunicative. On learning that Attlee was known as Clem, King George VI thought “Clam” would be more appropriate after hearing his monosyllabic replies.
After Oxford and law, he joined the Army in 1914, took part in the Gallipoli misadventure and was injured in Mesopotamian campaign. He visited India in 1927-28 as member of Simon Commission and developed some understanding of Indian nationalism and the Hindu-Muslim problem.
When the war ended, Major Attlee was back in London and became aware of poverty and deprivation in his neighbourhood. He talked to a little girl one evening while he was going home; when she found that Attlee was going home for tea, she told him she too was going home to see if there was any tea. Attlee became a socialist and Labour Party became his natural choice.
His integrity, humility and ability to build consensus was valued and he rose steadily in the Labour hierarchy. When a national government headed by Churchill was formed during World War II, Attlee was the automatic choice for deputy Prime Minister.
Many underrated him and labelled him a “mechanical toy” under Churchill’s control. But he was no pushover. He stood up to Churchill when the occasion demanded.
Cricket interested Attlee. He reluctantly agreed to have a “Ticker Tape” machine installed in 10, Downing Street only after he was told that he would be able to keep track of cricket scores. He called it his “Cricket Machine”. He likened selecting his ministerial team to selecting a Test team.
Attlee became Prime Minister on July 26, 1945, after the Labour Party won a landslide victory. The task ahead was formidable: rebuilding the ravaged economy, rehabilitating thousands of retrenched soldiers and growing unrest in India. Attlee assembled a formidable team — by some accounts, the most talented Cabinet in recent times.
Attlee’s style of functioning was minimalist. He trusted his ministers; he left foreign affairs, except India, to Ernest Bevin who personified loyalty. “Why bark yourself when you have a good dog” was Attlee’s policy.
His monosyllabic responses led to some piquant situations. He did not hesitate to silence any windbag minister and get on to the next item on the agenda. He was ruthless in getting what he wanted.
Attlee set about carrying out Labour’s promises to the electorate with a slew of nationalisations: Bank of England, coal, steel, railways, etc. After much debate about financial affordability, he introduced national health scheme (NHS) — an enduring legacy which even Margaret Thatcher did not dare tinker with. His record of legislation was unmatched.
On the international front, he had mixed success. He lacked a good chemistry with US President Harry S. Truman. Labour’s socialism was equated with communism and Truman was unduly worried about domestic opinion. America refused to share nuclear technology with Britain despite a prior understanding. On Palestine, Attlee unsuccessfully tried to limit Jewish migration and protect Arab interests. Truman, facing an election, succumbed to the influential Jewish lobby.
Attlee felt that Independence for India could not be delayed any longer. Lord Wavell, the Viceroy, was called to London for consultation in August 1945. Wavell painted an alarming picture of the unbridgeable difference between the Congress and the Muslim League and doubted Britain’s ability to maintain law and order if civil war broke out. Attlee considered Wavell too “defeatist”.
Attlee decided that a more charismatic figure than Wavell was needed to get the Congress and Muslim League serious about transfer of power. He chose Lord Mountbatten. It was a masterstroke; an inspiration, Attlee later thought. After demanding and obtaining more authority than his predecessors as Viceroys ever enjoyed, and forcing the announcement that British rule will end not later than July 1948, Mountbatten accepted the offer.
Attlee’s instructions to Mountbatten were crisp and clear: “Keep India united if you can. If not, save something from the wreck. In any case, get Britain out”.
Mountbatten arrived in India on March 22, 1947 and went into action with remarkable speed — with undue haste, some say. He manoeuvred the Congress into accepting the Partition of India along communal lines while giving the Muslim League less than what it demanded. He also brought the date of British withdrawal forward to August 15, 1947. The rest is history. Attlee considered Indian Independence his “finest achievement”. When Attlee succeeded Churchill, many thought he was the “improbable” Prime Minister. In the end, he proved to be the “inevitable” Prime Minister.
Based on a biography of Attlee by Michael Jago
S. Prabhala is a retired executive based in Bengaluru
